• Rastafarianism and Marcus Garvey

    The historic 1900 Pan-African Conference had the goal of connecting people of African descent all over the world. Marcus Garvey extended this idea into a vision of a voluntarily united Africa under one government. After the Fifth Pan-African Conference in Manchester (1945) Kwame Nkrumah became the leader of the Pan-African movement and transformed it from a Diaspora affair in which a few continental Africans participated to an African affair in which the Diaspora continued to contribute. This essay discusses the political thought of Marcus Garvey with respect to the unification of Africa and Back to Africa as a Caribbean Diasporan response to the exploitation of people of African descent inherent in the globalization forces of slavery, racism and colonialism. The consciousness of the continuity of this struggle from the foundation of the slavery system in the Caribbean to colonialism in various Black societies implanted in Garvey the destiny of successor to the great emancipators against this globalized system of exploitation and degradation. The article also examines the evolution of Pan-Africanism from Garveyism to Nkrumaism, and the implications for African Diaspora citizenship within the framework of the African Union's Sixth Region. IntroduCtIon By mid-seventeenth century, the sugar industry made the Caribbean the hub of Europe's first globalization project, sustained by slavery. Post-slavery colonialism allowed few opportunities for peoples of African descent to escape the globalized systems of economic exploitation and deprivation of civil and po- This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Vol. 4:2 29 litical liberties (Peterson; Bolland 24-99). The rape of Africa for cheap labor was also followed by colonial domination of the continent under labor systems as dehumanizing as chattel slavery (Hochschild, 118-39; Suret-Canale 228 - 56; 231-36). This shared experience of slavery and colonialism united Africa and the Caribbean in a common struggle against European exploitation.

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  • Rastafari at a Glance - Documenting African History

    The Caribbean has a proud history of struggle against slavery and other forms of colonial oppression. Although resistance was endemic, two former colonies stand out as epic counterpoints to the globalizing forces of slavery and colonialism. The first is Jamaica, Britain's richest colony in the eighteenth century, and the birthplace of Marcus Garvey; symbolically, the first African Union-Caribbean Dialogue conference was convened in Jamaica in 2005, a major milestone in Garvey's one-race-one-nation vision. The second former colony is Haiti (formerly St. Domingue), France's (and the world's) richest colony at the commencement of the Haitian Revolution, and birthplace of Toussaint L'Ouverture. The anti-slavery-anti-colonialism struggle in Jamaica is marked by four seminal engagements with the defenders of slavery and colonialism: the Eighty-Years' Maroon War of independence culminated in the landmark treaty of 1739 recognising the Maroons as a free people with internal sovereignty over ceded territory; Tacky's emancipation war in 1760, which killed thirteen whites, destroyed a wide swath of plantations, and precipitated the metropolitan debate on amelioration of slavery and abolition of the slave trade; the "Baptist War" of 1831, which unleashed such fear and destruction that the British Parliament was compelled to treat emancipation as an urgent, security issue; and the 1865 Morant Bay rebellion against the Old Representative System which compelled the white oligarchs to seek refuge in Crown Colony rule. The struggle for unconditional emancipation and political independence in Haiti is well known. The Haitian Revolution was the most heroic struggle by any single group against the global system of slavery, the slave trade and colonialism, setting off hemispheric shockwaves of reaction for several decades (Fergus 757-63; Williams 206-08). Garvey identified completely with this rich history of struggle. He proudly claimed descent from the Maroons (Martin, Biography 8-9) and named his first newspaper, published in 1910, the Watchman, after the paper owned by George William Gordon who was hanged for his alleged role in the Morant Bay rebellion (Martin, Biography 13). In a 1919 editorial of the Negro World, he assimilated the identity of Toussaint L'Ouverture, hinting that in due course he would announce to the world that he was ready to continue the work of the great emancipator (Cronon 46). The organizational framework for this undertaking was laid between 1910 and 1914. During this time, Garvey came to know first-hand the plight of the people of African descent in "all the West Indian islands" and many Central American nations; the experience "sickened" him (Martin, Biography 17). During his sojourn in London (1912 to 30 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 1914), he took time out to visit several European states to observe the condition of the black man as well as other aspects of the civilization that created and still controlled all the forces of globalization (Wintz 171). While in London, he developed a keen interest in Africa via contacts with African and Caribbean students who provided lessons in anti-colonial politics (Cronon 15-16; Martin, Biography 17-20; Martin Pan-African 229). He also became acquainted with the works of Edward Wilmot Blyden and Booker T. Washington. From Blyden, Garvey learned the history of ancient African civilizations, a legacy suppressed or stolen by the European powers in Africa. Blyden was a son of the Caribbean and a pioneer of Pan-Africanism, whom Garvey publicly acknowledged as mentor. Washington's Up From Slavery also profoundly impacted Garvey's destiny. Garvey professed that his studies, particularly his reading of Washington, awakened full consciousness of the predicament of the black man in the global setting, which led him to ponder: "'Where is the Black man's government?' 'Where is his King and his Kingdom?' 'Where is his President, his country, and his ambassador, his army, his navy, his men of big affairs?'" Unable to find any, he offered a succinct solution: "I will help to make them" (Martin, Biography 26). Garvey's pursuit of this ideal nation within a Pan-African framework consumed his life. Within a week of his return to Jamaica in July 1914, Garvey founded the Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities (Imperial) League, better known as the Universal Negro Improvement Association or UNIA. The objectives reflected a mix of black Jamaican nationalism and Pan-Africanism. Among the global aims were: "To establish a Universal Confraternity among the race; To strengthen the Imperialism of independent African States; To establish Commissaries or Agencies in the principal countries of the world for the protection of all Negroes, irrespective of nationality; To establish Universities, Colleges and Secondary Schools for the further education and culture of the boys and girls of the race; To conduct a worldwide commercial and industrial intercourse" (Mackie 19; Martin, Biography 31-32; Garvey 37-38). The Garveyite empowerment of women on equal terms with men was contrary to the globalized culture of gender discrimination. This was a revolutionary idea that recognized the leading role of women in the struggle against slavery and colonialism in the Caribbean. This gender policy endeared many able, intelligent women to serve as frontline Garveyites and step forward as Pan-African leaders in their own right. Interestingly, his acquaintance with Amy Ashwood (his first wife) was also significant in his education. The captivating stories she told of the trauma of her Ashanti grandmother's capture in Africa, the Middle Passage and enslavement, completed Garvey's early education on Africa, slavery and colonialism. On only his second meeting with Amy, he declared, "Together we can conquer the world; together we can help to educate our people; This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 31 together we can help to awaken the Negro to his sense of racial insecurity" (Martin, Pan-African 225). Garvey well knew that it would take a comprehensive re-education of the masses and unprecedented organization of human resources to accomplish this goal.

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  • Rastafari at a Glance - Documenting African History

    At the first of the Pan-African international congresses, the Pan-African Conference of 1900, Henry Sylvester Williams succinctly articulated the principal objective of Pan-Africanism: a movement "to bring into closer touch with each other the peoples of African descent throughout the world." This objective was later subsumed under a more pressing priority: "the fundamental right of black men to be free and independent" (Padmore 184). Garvey responded to this challenge with a brutally frank and radical African race-first ideology that spectacularly propelled the UNIA into the first trans-oceanic, trans-national networking of African peoples and one of the largest mass movements in world history. It is to Garvey's credit as a visionary that two of his most mindboggling prophesies have intertwined with the vision and mission of the African Union. The first declaration, the unification of the continent under one government, currently informs the African Union's Internet home page, headlined by an animated avowal: "Africa Must Unite;" the second declaration that the global Diaspora would be "free citizens of Africa" has been engaging the attention of the African Union since 2002. This essay re-examines Garvey's doctrines of "Back to Africa" and "Africa for the Africans, at home and abroad" as catalysts in the evolution of Africa's political and economic unification that includes the Diaspora as a constituent element of the African Union. The essay is grounded in a proposition that the genesis of Garveyism was the legacy of struggle against the globalized forces of slavery, the slave trade and colonialism. Up to Garvey's time, the history of Jamaica was a history of this struggle. The popular attraction of Garveyism was also linked to the deep-seated nostalgia within the African Diaspora for the ancestral homeland, especially those in the Caribbean. This nostalgia and alienation from mainstream colonial society in the Caribbean and postcolonial society elsewhere combined with emigrationism and race-pride propaganda to fertilize and nurture an incipient nationalism among Diasporans. The hitching of Diasporan nationalism, political destiny and self-worth to the liberation and unification of Africa ultimately galvanized native Africans to a new consciousness of the Diaspora as an integral constituent of their own political destiny and the continent's manifest destiny in the modern world. The dialectic between homeland and Diaspora (Manning 487-503) has climaxed into a new dynamic of relations between the African Union on the one hand, and civil society and governments in major centers of the Diaspora on the other, via conferences and symposia since 2002 in accordance with the mandate of the Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network (WHADN). In 2003, the African Diaspora was legally incorporated into the African 32 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Union as its "Sixth Region," thus vindicating Garvey against indictments of his opponents who had conspired in his imprisonment and delegitimized his advocacy of a United States of Africa inclusive of the Diaspora. They had branded him a "lunatic" and demeaned his ideas as "pitiable rubbish," because to them his objective, "Africa for the Africans," could only be accomplished by "force of arms;" they had also condemned him as a black supremacist and thus "the most dangerous enemy of the negro race in America and in the world" (James, History 79; Lewis 340; Garvey 68; Jackson). Transmigrationism and Pre-Garveyite Emigrationists The persistence of Africa in the psyche of Diasporans against the unrelenting burden of globalized racism, slavery and colonialism facilitated the mass appeal of Garvey's stirring mantra, "Africa for the Africans, at home and abroad." The colonizer's degradation of Africa was met with determined psychological resistance even under enslavement. Contrary to the acclaim by some scholars that Africa became "a forgotten memory" to the Diaspora, African folktales, work songs (composed and sung by enslaved plantation workers) and "nation songs" (a Caribbean variant with distinct ethnic motifs) had preserved coded memories of their ancestral homeland, including critical aspects of the African cosmos. This tradition was also integral to tropes of "exile" and "return" (Hill, "Calypso" 61-62; Elder 83). Nation songs and work songs progressed from slave plantation polities to free, subaltern spaces. In the U.S.A., the primary, public cultural spaces were "Black" Protestant churches, where work songs evolved into spirituals and later secularized as blues and jazz. Diasporan subaltern cultural spaces in the Caribbean were more diverse; they included Africanized Christian church organizations, traditional African religious organizations, cabildos (Africanized associations), barrack yards (slums), and stick-fighting gayels (rings), where they combined with other African cultural imports, such as drum and dance, to become the embryo of many Caribbean song-anddance genres, such as mento (Jamaica), shanto (Guyana), and calypso (Trinidad) (Liverpool 197; Mejía 124-26; Lewis 57; Elder 97-118).

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  • Rastafari at a Glance - Documenting African History

    This legacy is also the intellectual genesis of Pan-African thought and activism. More stridently than their American counterparts, Caribbean-bred pan-Africanists proclaimed Africa as their primary historical identity. Although the Africa of which they dreamed, vocalized, and choreographed was a frozen construct framed by the trauma of capture and forced migration from homeland to enslavement, this imagined homeland was no less significant to them than the Jewish Diaspora's "Promised Land." Garvey imbued this inherited memory with an ideology of "collective consciousness" (Dumor 24). Against this background, we can better understand the sincerity of his selfappointed role as the long awaited Messiah who would reclaim Africa as This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 33 homeland for an exiled Diaspora. The epigraph to "The Foundation for Democracy in Africa," an agency of the AU and main link with the Diaspora, is testimony to this ideological legacy: "We are Africans not because we are born in Africa but because Africa is born in us." Garvey was not the first advocate of repatriation to Africa. Even in the era of enslavement, free Diasporans had translated imagination into re-migration, repatriation and colonization, individually and collectively. Although African Americans at first resolutely resisted forced emigration to Liberia, the declaration of independence in 1847 enhanced her attraction as a destination for voluntary migrants and a gateway to the rest of the continent (Forbes 210-33). Early in the 1850s, Dr. Wilmot Blyden of St Thomas, Virgin Islands, migrated to Liberia to fulfill a destiny made impossible by racial discrimination in the U.S.A. Blyden's strident advocacy of Africa as "the appropriate home of the black man" attracted other migrants similarly burdened by racism (Walker 3-21). One of the first to rally to Blyden's call was Dr. Martin Delany who sailed to Liberia and Yorubaland to identify settlements for repatriates from the U.S.A. Unchallenged by the colonial situation in Africa that later confronted Garvey, Delany affirmed that "our policy must be Africa for the African race, and black men to rule them." Henry Mc Neal Turner is representative of the counteroffensive of Diasporans in blunting the impact of European missionary colonization in Africa. During the 1890s, Turner travelled many times to Liberia, Sierra Leone and South Africa, where he helped to build up the South African A.M.E. Church, and preached against slavery and racism. Francis McDonald Gow was another pioneer of African American episcopalism in South Africa. Among others, these black missionaries sought to develop in South Africa a brand of African Christianity or Ethiopianism, complete with black somatic norms, to blunt Eurocentric missionary modalities. This legacy prepared South Africa for a positive reception of Garveyism (Vinson 281-88).

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  • Rastafari at a Glance - Documenting African History

    By 1900, Pan-Africanism entered a new phase via the Conference/Congress structure, which provided an institutional framework for the unity and integrity of the movement. One of the significant outcomes of the 1900 Conference was the willingness of West Africans to embrace the Diaspora as one people and share their dreams. The Lagos Standard lauded the "Conference of members of the Negro race gathered together in the world's Metropolis"; the Gold Coast Aborigines forecast the liberation of South Africa from Boer/ Afrikaner and British rule, proclaiming that Africa will always remain "the black man's continent." Chief Alfred Sam of the Gold Coast (Ghana) migrated to the U.S.A. in 1913. Recalling previous black colonizing missions, Sam invited African Americans to migrate to Africa, despite the impediments of a raging World War. 34 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Garvey and Garveyism Garvey built on the solid foundation of his predecessors to become "the greatest and most successful organizer for the Pan-African cause" (Adewale 3-4; James, History 82). He awakened African Americans to an understanding of the race problem as a common problem of the black man in the Atlantic world (Lewis 334). He successfully radicalized the mandate of the 1900 Pan-African Conference, imbuing the "international solidarity" it espoused with a new consciousness in "blackness as an organizing principle" (Mackie 63; James, History 82). The UNIA affirmed the status of Africa as the natural homeland of Diasporans and assigned its members the "duty to arouse every Negro to a consciousness of himself." This consciousness was to be directed into the creation of African nationhood: The mission of the Universal Negro Improvement Association is to arouse the sleeping consciousness of Negroes everywhere to the point where we will, as one concerted body, act for our own preservation.... Nationhood is the strongest security of any people and it is for that the Universal Negro Improvement Association strives at this time. With the clamor of other people for a similar purpose, we raise a noise even to high heaven for the admission of the Negro into the plan of autonomy (Garvey 34). At the core of Garvey's philosophy was the belief that Africans must be the authors of their own destiny rather than recipients of benevolence. Anticipating post-Cold War globalization of the latter nineteenth century, Garvey appealed to his followers to equip themselves to succeed in an increasingly competitive world: "There is no doubt about it that we are living in the age of world reorganization out of which will come a set program for the organized races of mankind that will admit of no sympathy in human affairs, in that we are planning for the great gigantic struggle of the survival of the fittest" (Garvey 34). While Garvey spoke to the imperialism of his day, the challenges of globalization are more relevant to our time and no doubt informed the reorganizing of the OAU into the AU while seeking to formalize relationships with the Diaspora. Notwithstanding Garvey's successful deployment of messianic Christianity, he understood the value of the public sphere as a force in social engineering. This was the purpose of his main creation, the UNIA (Martin, Race First 6-8; Mackie 138-39; Nembard iii). In 1919, freed from the restrictions of war, Garvey dispatched agents to several countries to set up branches of the organization; among the many supporting institutions, he created the "Negro Factories Corporation," the "African Legions," "Black Cross Nurses," and the Negro World. At its peak, the movement may have had over two million members and "sympathizers," with branches "all over the world" (Martin Race First This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 35 11-12; 30). Many of these branches sent representatives to the "First International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World" in New York in 1920.

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  • Rastafari at a Glance - Documenting African History

    The Convention was a major success, demonstrating Garvey's exceptional organizational expertise and charisma; its populist tone was a counterpoise to Du Bois' Pan-African Congress held the previous year in Paris (Martin, Race First 12; R. Hill 643-47). Garvey's Convention was held in Harlem, "the most highly politicized black community in the world" (Martin Race First 9), and conceivably, the capital of African America. Unlike Du Bois' Congress with its middle-class delegates and placatory recommendations, the Harlem Convention attracted many grassroots leaders and organizations and did not depend on the patronage of white supporters or governments. Coming out of the Convention was the "Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World," the Diaspora's boldest affirmation of black nationalism. Garvey would later declare that the major distinction between the UNIA and all other similar movements in the world was that the UNIA "seeks independence of government while others sought "to make the Negro a secondary part of existing government" (Garvey 97; Asante 261-62). The Garveyite Declaration was the most comprehensive response to the white-male-centered Enlightenment dicta of Rousseau, Paine and the French Revolution. The first clause stated: Be it known to all men that whereas all men are created equal and entitled to the rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and because of this we, the duly elected representatives of the Negro peoples of the world, invoking the aid of the just and Almighty God, do declare all men, women and children of our blood throughout the world free denizens, and do claim them as free citizens of Africa, the Motherland of all Negroes (Wintz, 208-14; Mackie 122-23). The declaration formalized the UNIA's commitment to a future United States of Africa, which would accord citizenship to all peoples of African origins. More than anyone before him, Garvey concretized the vision of a united Africa under one government, by peoples of African descent, for peoples of African descent. This vision was passionately articulated in several major speeches. Notwithstanding his demagogic effervescence, Garvey was a genuine visionary and pragmatist. He accurately predicted that Egypt and India would lead the independence movement out of the British Empire (Mackie 92). His plans and projects for economic independence of the UNIA and, by extension, Africans wherever they might be, were classic examples of leading from in front. Although often ambiguous about the doctrines of "Back to Africa" and "Africa for the Africans," Garvey was careful to explain the limits of expectations: 36 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The doctrines of going 'Back to Africa' must be clearly understood. We are not preaching the doctrines to ask all the Negroes in Harlem and of the United States to pack up their trunks and to leave for Africa. We are not so crazy.... The majority of us must remain here, but we must send our scientists, our mechanics and our artisans and let them build railroads, let them build the great educational and other institutions necessary and when they are constructed the time will come for the command to be given, 'come home'.... Not until then (Jones 92) Interestingly, it is the need for these skills and resources of the Diaspora that informs the AU's current Diaspora policy. Garvey similarly assuaged the apprehension of native Africans and Diasporan critics by refuting their assertion that the UNIA's "Back to Africa" project harbored a secret agenda "of exercising over-lordship" over native Africans (Garvey 70). From Garveyism to Nkrumahism Garveyism spread through Africa via the telegram, the Negro World, West Indian emigrants and repatriates. The momentum intensified after the 1920 Convention. South Africa had the largest number of UNIA branches on the continent. Branches were also established in Liberia, British West Africa and Senegal. Despite concerted political opposition, Garveyism infiltrated the Belgian Congo and Portuguese Africa (Martin, Biography 87-95). Harry Thuku, founder of the East African Association (1921), sought advice of Garvey and perhaps facilitated the dissemination of the Negro World, which made political waves in many other parts of Africa. Jomo Kenyatta affirmed that unlettered political activists in Kenya would gather round a single reader to listen to the latest edition of the Negro World and then spread the gospel of African consciousness by word of mouth from village to village (Rawlston 747-52). Garveyism motivated Casely Hayford of Nigeria to renew his initiative in founding the National Congress of British West Africa (1920). Garvey's message also reached into the far corners of colonial Africa via returning students influenced by Garveyism in the U.S.A., England, and France. Two of the most significant among them were Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria and Kwame Nkrumah of the Gold Coast. Both have made invaluable contributions to the uniqueness of African nationalism. Azikiwe was introduced to Garveyism via the Negro World as a sixteenyear-old-schoolboy. Later in his autobiography, he confessed that the message had an immediate impact on his life. He acknowledged his indebtedness to Garvey for tutelage in "race pride, race consciousness, nationalism and its correlant of economic stability" (Olisa and Ikejiani-Clark 42; 54; 97). Azikiwe arrived in the U.S.A. the same year Garvey entered prison after years of intrigue This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 37 by his enemies. Azikiwe easily straddled both sides of the ideological divide in black America because he had left Africa already imbued with "a mission" to advance the social and spiritual rebirth of Africans. Azikiwe took the message of African emancipation to a new level. His philosophy incorporated a mix of Blydenian Pan-Africanism and Hegelian dialectics: "Old Africa," burdened by tradition, ethnic fragmentation, and economic stagnation, and "Renascent Africa," under the yoke of European imperialism, colonialism, and racism, must give way to the "New Africa," the Africa of the future. Former South African President Thabo Mbeki's coinage of "African Renaissance" was rooted in Azikiwe's philosophy (Melber 4). To become New Africans, they needed a "spiritual balance, social regeneration, economic determinism, mental emancipation, and political resurgence" (Olisa and Ikejiani-Clark 75-79). Social regeneration required Africans to jettison the last vestiges of "inferiority complex" as well as racial, tribal, national, religious and other prejudices that created stumbling blocks to African solidarity. Azikiwe declared, "The realization that an African no matter where he was born whether at Kibbi, or ... Cape Coast, Bathurst or Accra, Brazil or ... Nairobi or America ... Renascent African must, therefore, regard all Africans as blood brothers and sisters" (Olisa and Ikejiani- Clark 78). This was classic Garveyism.

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  • Rastafari at a Glance - Documenting African History

    Balking at the globalization forces of colonialism at play on the continent, Azikiwe condemned Garvey's approach as too "fantastic and utopian." He warned nationalists that it would be suicidal to pursue Garvey's call to rid Africa of all Europeans because of mutual dependency and the overwhelming military resources of the industrialized world. In the generally conservative spirit of African reformism of his day, he advised caution because however justifiable a cause, its advocates should await the "men of action who produce results" (Olisa and Ikejiani-Clark 97). It is now generally agreed that such a man was Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, self-styled Osagyefo (Redeemer). Before 1960, few scholars readily credited Garvey as the true source of Nkrumahism (Nkrumah's special branding of African nationalism). Two outstanding Pan-African scholars, C.L.R. James and Ali Mazrui, will elucidate the balance of opinion on these stalwarts of Pan-African nationalism. James once accredited Nkrumah's prominence in the Fifth Pan-African Conference solely to George Padmore's tutelage (Scobie 181-84). It is instructive that James later repudiated this assertion. James is to be counted among the leadership of Pan-African contemporaries of Garvey who demeaned his work during his lifetime, but who recanted two decades after his death to praise him as a champion of the African struggle for freedom and justice, and a remarkable genius of human mobilization and institutionalization. In the 1963 edition of his classic, The Black Jacobins, James confessed: "Dr. Nkrumah ... has placed on record that of all the writers who educated and influenced him, Marcus Garvey stands first" (397). June Milne, his biographer, substantiates this statement 38 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms (14). George Padmore had made acquaintance with Nkrumah soon after his arrival in Harlem in the 1930s, but Padmore was a "student" of Garveyism, who built upon the mass movement that Garvey created (Worrel 22). Ali Mazrui admits, "Nkrumah acknowledged that the most powerful influences on his mind had been Marcus Garvey ... and V.I. Lenin." Yet he acclaims, "No one else has made the case for continental integration more forcefully, or with a greater sense of drama than Nkrumah" (3). Mazrui further asserts, "Although most African leaders regard the whole idea of a United States of Africa as wholly unattainable in the foreseeable future, Nkrumah even after his death has kept this debate alive through his books and through the continuing influence of his ideas" (3). Mazrui's accreditation of Nkrumah as the most forceful advocate for continental integration could be contested without diminishing his pivotal role in African nationalism. As an integrationist, Nkrumah was a protege of Garvey; he lived Garvey's dream; on achieving the independence of Ghana, he worked tirelessly to realize it within the framework of a United States of Africa, a seminal Garveyite construct. Under Nkrumah's leadership, Pan-Africanism transformed from a Diaspora-led affair to a decolonizing movement spearheaded by native Africans. In a word, Pan-Africanism became Nkrumahism, which provided the momentum to reshape post-colonial Africa. Although Nkrumah eagerly embraced Garvey's doctrines of "Back to Africa" and "Africa for the Africans" as decolonization objectives, he pragmatically ascertained that "no mass exodus of Africans in the Diaspora to Africa was either desirable or practicable until the continent was fully liberated and unified" (Milne 15). In the spirit of Garveyism, Nkrumah invited leading Pan-Africanists to settle in newly independent Ghana as a strategic base for the further liberation of the continent. The Accra-based Sixth Pan-African Conference was conceptualized to underscore this fact (Sherwood 166). It should also be noted that Garvey was also a practitioner of democratic socialism, which makes Nkrumah more a Garveyite than a Leninist. Nkrumah's greatest legacy is the creation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Although it fell short of expectations, it survived to evolve into today's African Union. In the opening lines of his book, Africa Must Unite (published symbolically to coincide with the founding of the OAU), Nkrumah acclaimed that "men, women and children throughout the length and breadth of Africa repeat the slogans of African nationalism the greatest political phenomenon of the twentieth century" (ix). Although also admitting that it was an unfinished work, he acknowledged that a "notable contribution" to its framework was Garvey's "Back to Africa Movement" (133). The OAU remained an organization of "governments and rulers rather than of peoples"; it created few federal institutions apart from the African Development Bank (Duffield 116). After two decades, the ADB had failed to promote economic self-sufficiency. There was little else to uphold, beside the advance of This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 39 decolonization, another of the OAU's major objectives. It is interesting the way Garvey's heady prophecy of a United States of Africa imbued impatience in advocates who best understood the potency of an African union as the only means by which peoples of African descent could assert themselves in a globalized world. Although incarcerated and broken financially and politically, Garvey had declared with full conviction, "my cause shall rise again to plague the conscience of the corrupt" (Negro World; Garvey 239). In 1976, the radical Pan-African, Caribbean-born scholar, Walter Rodney, roundly criticized African leaders for betraying the ideals of Pan-Africanism by fostering "separation of African peoples within existing territorial boundaries" (Duffield 117). Genuine federalism was frustrated by frequent military interventions and mutual suspicions by member states. In order to accelerate "collective self-reliance, regional integration and cooperation," the OAU adopted the Lagos Plan of Action in 1980. Within a few short years after the Cold War ended, apartheid was dismantled and the European Union established, ushering a new economic world order and new imperatives for more effective integration. Nkrumah had also preached political independence as a sine qua non for economic development. This dream, however, continued to be frustrated by a commitment by certain states to regionalism and dependency on the former colonial powers. In 1991, the Abuja Treaty attempted to break this deadlock by establishing the African Economic Commission with a mandate to provide "the legal basis for continental integration" along economic, social, and cultural lines. Nonetheless, by the end of the century, the status quo remained unchanged. In seeking a way forward, several mega plans were proposed between 2000 and 2001, all contributing to the final blueprint, "A New African Initiative" (Melber 6). Setting a new economic course entailed setting a new political course out from the OAU. The new torchbearer of Garvey's United States of Africa was Libya's Muammar al=Gaddafi, a disciple of Nkrumah; like Nkrumah, his zealous commitment to political union of the continent engendered more concern than confidence (Melber 4; 7). The first milestone in constructing the new platform of cooperation was the Constitutive Act of the African Union adopted in July 2000. One year later, the required support of two-thirds of the members of the OAU was achieved and the AU was formally created (Melber 7). The African Union And the African Diaspora - The Way Forward. The last significant action of the OAU was the unveiling of its revolutionary initiative, "The New Partnership for Africa's Development" (NEPAD). Among its many objectives are African ownership and leadership of the continent's resources; the broad and deep participation by all sectors of society; and the alignment of all partnerships to the Millennium Development Goals and other agreed development goals and targets. Thabo Mbeki heralded NEPAD 40 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms as an initiative of Africans for Africans. "The initiative," he proudly proclaimed, "was not conceived in Paris, Washington or Westminster, but by Africans themselves" (Patterson). Interestingly, NEPAD did not explicitly include a role for the Diaspora. Instead, it recognized a need for partnering with the "developed countries," a lingering neo-colonialism that plagued continental integration since 1960 (Melber 7; "NEPAD"). In May 2002, the Constitutive Act of Union transformed the thirty-year-old OAU into the African Union and immediately set off a new revolution in Africa-Diaspora relations. One of the first policy decisions of the AU was to position the Diaspora as a primary constituent in its Millennium Developing Goals. The African Union is the world's largest confederation, comprising 53 independent states, including the island groupings of Cape Verde and São Tomé and Principe in the Atlantic; Madagascar, the Comoros and the Seychelles in the Indian Ocean. Its administrative and ideological framework is Pan-African. Its headquarters is in Ethiopia and its Parliament is in the Republic of South Africa. Member States are accorded equal numbers of representatives to the constituent assembly which functions on African-styled consensus. In 2004, the AU Commission reiterated the challenge of the new era in post-colonial Africa: "The African Union distinguishes itself from the Organization of African Unity by the magnitude of the responsibilities conferred on it" ("Africa"). Two major imperatives of transformation from OAU to AU were the determination to make the AU less elitist by developing more broad-based institutional frameworks for unity, cooperation, and development in fostering new opportunities for civil society participation, thus incubating new nurseries of the public sphere for the newly globalized Africa. The second imperative was the incorporation of the Diaspora as a constituent element of the AU. To partner effectively with the Diaspora and transform policy into project demanded a more liberal constitution than the original Constitutive Act. Accordingly, based on the proposal of Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade, the First Extra-Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of States and Government of the AU in January 2003 formally integrated the Diaspora as the "Sixth Region" of the African Union. The Assembly accepted the resolution and immediately approved the "Protocol on the Amendments to the Constitutive Act of the African Union," Article 3(q), which "invites and encourages the full participation of the African Diaspora as an important part of our continent, in the building of an African Union" ("Diaspora Initiative"). At a Summit Meeting of the AU in Khartoum in 2006, a new constitutional amendment made the Diaspora "voting members" of the African Union a realization of Garvey's fantastic declaration of right of citizenship. He had frequently avowed, "You are not without a country. God Almighty gave you a country—the richest and most prolific among all continents. He gave you the great continent of Africa" (Jones 30). The European-American Declarations This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 41 of the Rights of Man was prejudicial toward the black man. Garvey's "Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World" offered a globalized corrective. Of the fifty-four declarations, African citizenship was the first inalienable right of all peoples of African descent (Wintz 210). Once the partnering became formal policy, it was incumbent on the AU to help the Diaspora organize itself for active participation as members of the Sixth Region. Consequently, representatives of the AU extended their outreach into the metropolises of all major centers of the Diaspora. Its first success was the creation of the Western Hemisphere African Diaspora Network (WHADN) in December 2002 in Washington, DC, under the mandate of NEPAD. In this first formal encounter, representatives of the African Diaspora and the AU Commission set out the parameters for a working partnership. The mandate of the WHADN is to facilitate the mobilization of skills and resources of the African Diaspora toward the sustainable growth and development of the continent as set out under the AU's Millennium Development Goals. Under Article 22 of the Constitutive Act of the Union, the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) was established as the principal vehicle for dialogue with, and participation of, "all members of African civil society" in the decision-making of the AU ("Constitutive Act"). The AU Commission repudiated the top-down approach of the OAU: "The impulse is not for the African Union to organize civil society. Rather the organizing principle of ECOSOCC ... is one in which civil society would organize themselves to work with the Organization" ("Economic"). The uniqueness of ECOSOCC is that it enfranchises African and Diasporan civil society "to play an active role in charting the future of the continent, organizing itself in partnership with African governments to contribute to the principles, policies and programs of the Union" ("Economic"). This is an extremely tall order, since "active role" presupposes rights of "active" citizenship. Unlike any of the five core Regions of the AU, the Sixth Region is a borderless, stateless, virtual constituency. The challenge of ECOSOCC to constitute the Diaspora as elected and nominated members to its Permanent General Assembly required the creation of realistic geo-political enclaves, such as Caribbean Regional Network, Latin America Network, North America Network, Europe Network. These Regional Networks have created a viable framework within which to evolve a virtual public sphere of the Sixth Region. It was this framework that facilitated the convening of Regional Consultative Conferences since 2005, which have given the Diaspora formal voice within the African Union. The Caribbean, one of the oldest of such centers in the Americas and the only region with a claim to Diasporan control of state power, was obviously a major center of interest to the AU. In 2004, the AU assisted in merging twentyone Caribbean Regional Diaspora civil society organizations into the Caribbean Pan-African Network (CPAN), which readily dovetails into the WHADN. 42 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms As of 2008, members of the CPAN and other Diaspora networks have been serving on ECOSOCC working out the nitty-gritty of African Union African Diaspora collaboration, economic partnering, and citizenship. The key challenge for the AU is the integration of WHADN into ECOSOCC in fulfillment of constitutional commitments. It is through ECOSOCC that the dynamic of the public sphere would be most evident. Yet, as currently constituted, the Regional Networks have little or no direct horizontal relations with each other, such as provided by the UNIA under Garvey. Unlike Garvey's Negro World, to date, there is no agreed medium for disseminating didactics between members of the Regional networks or facilitating feedback on vital issues, except when summoned to summits and special conferences. In such instances, representation is invariably by invitation of the AU and thus hardly reflective of democratic principles which the AU espouses and which principles, indeed, drive the public sphere. Nonetheless, the "Outcomes" documents from the many Regional Consultative Conferences are indicative of a new dynamic in the public sphere and its future role in the shaping of a liberal democratic Africa ("Outcomes"). The paradox is only apparent: the model is uniquely African for which a theory is yet to be constructed. These Outcomes reflect the historical and current concerns of Diasporans and homeland Africans as well as a commitment to joint resolutions and mutual benefits. ChAllenGes oF CItIzenshIP The AU's engagement with the Diaspora as Sixth Region with voting rights invokes a new dialectic in virtual and active citizenship, while opening new frontiers in the discourse on public sphere within the Diaspora and the AU and between the Diaspora and the AU. The case for African ancestry does not assist the case for a common Diasporan identity; indeed, one may argue that there is no such thing. Yet, the problem of identity is a critical one for Diasporans. Cognizant of the economic advantages of group solidarity, Garvey appealed to his constituents "at home and abroad" to become race conscious in order to compete in the modern, capitalist world: Remember that Africa is in each and every one of us colored men. We cannot get away from it if we tried. One-sixteenth of the blood makes you an African and we cannot get away from it. Therefore, do not play the fool and talk about your not being Africans. All of us are Africans ... the only difference is: some are Africans at home and some are Africans abroad (Jones 30). But even Garvey was dogged by the problem of defining "real" Africans. The AU recognized this problematic from the outset of its Diaspora policy in 2002. After consultation with Diasporan civil society in Trinidad and Tobago, the This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 43 AU arrived at a definition that was consistent with established Pan-African ideology: "The African Diaspora consists of peoples of African origin living outside the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and who are willing to contribute to the development of the Continent and the building of the African Union" ("Diaspora"). Yet, based on its own calculations, the AU estimated its Diaspora in Europe, America and the Caribbean at around 170 millions, a figure that suggests descent rather than commitment to the development of Africa ("Diaspora"). Significantly, only the Caribbean constituency has been designated as "Part of Government and Civil Society." The rest are all accorded the same status "Excluded and Marginalized," a politico-demographic concept with similar meaning to that of "minority," used to distinguish ethnic groups different from that of a dominant ruling class. Even in Garvey's day, the term "African" as a personal and group identity contested against "Ethiopian," "Negro," and other non-geo-political ascriptions; by mid-twentieth century the dilemma was more evident as the struggle for dignity of peoples of African descent became increasingly focused on purging inferiority stereotypes. As Frantz Fanon argued, "That there is an African people, that there is a West Indian people, this I do believe. But when someone talks to me about 'Negro People,' I try to understand what is meant" (266). In his book, Black History and Black Identity: A Call for a New Historiography, W.D. Wright asks of the African Diaspora in the USA.: "Are they Africans, Afro-Americans, African-Americans, Blacks, blacks, Black-Americans, or black Americans?" (1). To this list may be added "colored." Diasporan epistemology of race and color in the USA differs somewhat from that of the Caribbean. Unlike African Americans, a person of the same phenotype in the Caribbean may conveniently assert different racial identities at any given time: "African," "Black," "Negro," "Creole," "Colored," "Mixed," "Afro-West Indian," or "West Indian of African-descent." In the United Kingdom, this identity problem has created irreconcilable differences between the African Diaspora of Caribbean origins and the African Diaspora born in Africa. The resolution of "African" citizenship for members of the Sixth Region must eventually hinge on a debate on African identity. The classic definition of citizenship restricted its application to the nation state. As expressed by Richard Vernon, "To be a citizen is of course to see oneself in distinction from, and often in opposition to citizens of other states" (7). Even liberal theorists have raised red flags questioning whether or not citizenship "can be meaningfully applied beyond the boundaries of the nation" (Germain and Kenny 32). The rise of modern globalization especially post-1980 - seriously challenges the classic notions of citizenship. Scholars have subscribed to the notion of distinctions between citizenship and nationality in light of which new concepts of citizenship have emerged, such as international, supranational, and world citizenship applicable to transnational orga- 44 Vol 4:2 The Global south This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms nizations and the like. Andrew Linklater outlined three reasons for the idea of citizenship being "pressed into the service of cosmopolitan political theory and practice"; among them is "the construction that citizenship embodies the right to participate in the public sphere," which he describes as "one of the main achievements of modernity" (7). There are historical precedents for negotiating AU citizenship for the African Diaspora. At present, the concern for citizenship beyond ECOSOCC resides more within Diasporan civil society than the AU or its individual member states. Yet, once the discourse within the Diaspora becomes energized by subaltern logic, demands for citizenship and aspirations for AU passports and right to freedom of movement within the original five Regions could well be the litmus test for the new Pan-Africanism and commitment of the AU to the aspirations of WHADN. These are the issues that will make the public sphere a dynamic space even in its controlled present state. The First French Republic extended citizenship to some outstanding foreigners who shared the ideals of the Revolution. Recipients of honorary French citizenship included Thomas Paine, Jeremy Bentham, Thomas Clarkson, George Washington and William Wilberforce. Under the Fifth Republic's policy of France D'Outre Mer (DOM), citizenship is inclusive to all nationals of overseas "Departments," now called Regions. The historical model that offers possibilities for the AU Sixth Region is the experiment in citizenship in Senegal and Algeria during the heyday of assimilation, the main criterion being cultural exclusivity: those so recognized as achieving the criteria of French civilization were deemed "citoyens;" others were merely "sujets." On the other hand, England was never so generous even to her own nationals who remained subjects of the Crown as colonists, but temporarily lost their right of citizenship until they returned to the boundaries of the nation state. This dichotomy was at the heart of the conflict that compelled Britain's thirteen North American colonies to secede from the empire. In modern times, the right to hold a British passport does not confer extended rights of citizenship. The Nationality Act of 1948 granted the right to all "subjects" of the Crown to settle in Britain, but without the guarantee of full citizenship rights of "British nationhood" (Münch 15-16). Israel offers other possibilities for discourse on citizenship under the revised AU Constitutive Act. Unlike the British and French cases, Jewish Diaspora citizenship is a mix of genetics and cultural/religious exclusivity. The case of Falasha repatriation demonstrates the constitutional commitment of Israel to its Diaspora regardless of antiquity. The Falashas or Beta Israel are descendants of the ancient, black Jews of Ethiopia. While the main constituents for citizenship in the African Diaspora are of more recent historical provenance than the Jews, the complexity of the former is exceedingly greater and more difficult to pin down by definition, as explored earlier. The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is evolving toward a common passport, which facilitates freedom of movement among member states; the residual fear This content downloaded from 173.166.30.233 on Tue, 25 Sep 2018 19:39:42 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms From Prophecy to Policy / Claudius Fergus Vol. 4:2 45 of civil society in CARICOM has lessons for Africa. A much bolder framework is the European Union constitution under which citizens of member states are automatically accorded "Community Citizen" status (Stephenson 71). Garvey's vision of a global African dispensation of Diaspora and homeland, united by race consciousness and common citizenship in a United States of Africa, is no longer a "lunatic's dream," but a necessary objective if Africa and her Diaspora are to achieve competitive advantage in the current stage of globalization. This reality captivates the leadership of Africa much more than that of the Caribbean where these ideas were born. Garvey had envisioned that the political party he founded in Jamaica in 1929 would be the main driver in bringing about a West Indian Federation, inclusive of the non-Anglophone Caribbean (Martin, Pan-African 61; 116). Had he succeeded, the current leaders of CPAN might have made a good case for separate Regional status within the AU. Interestingly, the course of integration in African and the Caribbean has proceeded in opposite direction since the era of self-government in the 1950s. Whereas the Anglophone Caribbean stumbled from an uneasy federation to fragmentation within four years, Africa has progressed from a weak, ineffective OAU to the dynamic federal structure of the AU. Ultimately, the strength and purpose of relations between Caribbean Diaspora and homeland will depend on the extent to which leaders are prepared to share the dreams and visions of Marcus Garvey.

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